A History of Architecture and Trade draws together essays from an international roster of distinguished and emerging scholars to critically examine the important role architecture and urbanism played in the past ﬁve hundred years of global trading, moving away from a conventional Western narrative. The book uses an alternative holistic lens through which to view the development of architecture and trade, covering diverse topics such as the coercive urbanism of the Dutch East India Company; how slavery and capitalism shaped architecture and urbanization; and the importance of Islamic trading in the history of global trade. Each chapter examines a key site in history, using architecture, landscape and urban scale as evidence to show how trade has shaped them. It will appeal to scholars and researchers interested in areas such as world history, economic and trade history and architectural history. Patrick Haughey is a Professor of Architectural History at Savannah College of Art and Design, USA, where he teaches modern, urban and global architecture history. His research uses a multidisciplinary approach to architecture history, deploying world systems, economics, history and cultural geography. His scholarship critiques the impacts of colonialism and ﬁnance on architecture and urbanism. He also teaches studio, drawing and rendering for the Interior Design and Architecture Departments.
Routledge Research in Architecture
The Routledge Research in Architecture series provides the reader with the latest scholarship in the ﬁeld of architecture. The series publishes research from across the globe and covers areas as diverse as architectural history and theory, technology, digital architecture, structures, materials, details, design, monographs of architects, interior design and much more. By making these studies available to the worldwide academic community, the series aims to promote quality architectural research. For a full list of titles, please visit: www.routledge.com/architecture/series/RRARCH From Doxiadis’ Theory to Pikionis’ Work Reﬂections of Antiquity in Modern Architecture Kostas Tsiambaos Thermal Comfort in Hot Dry Climates Traditional Dwellings in Iran Ahmadreza Foruzanmehr Architecture and the Body, Science and Culture Kim Sexton The Ideal of Total Environmental Control Knud Lönberg-Holm, Buckminster Fuller, and the SSA Suzanne Strum The Architecture of Medieval Churches Theology of Love in Practice John A.H. Lewis A History of Architecture and Trade Patrick Haughey
A History of Architecture and Trade
Edited by Patrick Haughey
First published 2018 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Acknowledgments Author biographies Introduction: The architecture of trade is as old as human history
1 Legacies of colonialism: Towards an architectural history of capitalism
2 Spices, spies, and speculation: Trust and control in the early Batavia-Amsterdam system
3 Cities of incense and myrrh: Fantasy and capitalism in the Arabian Gulf
4 Borneo, the river effect, and the spirit world millionaires
5 House as marketplace: Swahili merchant houses and their urban context in the later Middle Ages
6 An anachronism of trade: The Mercato Nuovo in Florence (1546–1551) LAUREN JACOBI
7 Merchant identity: The cartographic impulse in the architectural sculpture of the Llotja of Palma de Mallorca
8 The travels of a merchant throughout the Islamic World
9 Savannah’s Custom House: A peculiar construction of galvanized iron, apparently durable and well-adapted to a southern climate
DENNIS DE WITT
10 The modernization of a port in British India: Calcutta, 1870–1880
11 Building the marble elephant: The creation of Philadelphia’s iconic City Hall
In February of 2015 the Architectural History department at Savannah College of Art and Design held its 9th and ﬁnal international Symposium on the Architecture of Trade, co-directed by Patrick Haughey and Robin Williams. While this book was inspired by the symposium, it is neither a compendium of the topics presented nor a publication afﬁliated with the department or the college. Books like this require the effort of a number of people. First and foremost, I would like to thank my wife. Without her, I cannot be who I am. For all of my work I am extremely grateful for my family and friends, who, with an abundance of patience both challenge and support me. I must thank Robin Williams, my department chair and co-director of the 2015 9th Symposium: The Architecture of Trade, for his tireless commitment to the discipline of architectural history and to our community. The Savannah Symposium was a vital bi-annual gathering of scholars from all over the world and the department of Architectural History. As of now, this is the last book to be inspired by the hundreds of participants and supporters, as the symposium has been cancelled. The Savannah Symposium, my inspiration as an educator, and our department would not be possible without the support of Savannah College of Art and Design. As always, behind the scenes of the symposium and our department are some very special people including, among many: Marilyn Armstrong, Sandra Hatteberg, Susan Richards and Alice Eisner, as well as our own dedicated students and professors. In addition, I received valuable edits and advice on my chapter from Professor John Carey Murphy and former architecture student Samson Johnson, among others. I would also especially like to thank the editors and people at Routledge Publishers for their patience. Finally, I would like to thank my colleagues from my History, Theory and Criticism family at MIT, especially Robert Cowherd and Mark Jarzombek who helped inspired my research, as well as my other friends here in Savannah and elsewhere for supporting my decades-long history obsession. I am grateful for all of the teachers in my past who have left their mark. To all the authors whose contributions made this volume possible, thank you for your dedication, timeliness and support. Any and all errors or misunderstandings of their contributions are of course my own doing.
Now more than ever, it is important that readers, scholars, schools and publishers stand up to what seems to be an endless assault against education, history and humanity. This book is dedicated to my students, past, present and future, whose passion, insight and trust have always kept me inspired.
Doron Bauer is Assistant Professor of Art History at Florida State University, USA. He received his PhD in 2012 from Johns Hopkins University. He has received a number of awards, including Research Fellowship, Kunsthistorische Institut in Florenz (2016); Predoctoral Research Fellowship, Kunsthistorische Institut in Florenz (2011–2012); La bourse d’échanges culturels de la Conseil Général de la Vienne (2010–2011); Chateaubriand Fellowship, French Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2009–2010) and Singleton Graduate Fellowship, The Singleton Center for the Study of Premodern Europe (2009–2010). He is the co-editor of a forthcoming book, Art in the Kingdom of Majorca: An Anthology of Sources (Universitat des les Illes Balears, 2017); ‘‘Milk as Templar Apologetics in the St. Bernard of Clairvaux Altarpiece from Majorca” (Studies in Iconography, 36, 79–98, 2016); and “Castus Castor (The Chaste Beaver): Some Reﬂections on the Iconography of the Southern Portal of Santa María de Uncastillo” (Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies, 1, 213–230, 2009). Aniruddha Bose is Assistant Professor of History in the History and Political Science Department at Saint Francis University, Loretto, Pennsylvania, USA. He received his PhD in History from the Department of History at Boston College, Massachusetts in 2013. He is the author of “Science and Technology in India: The Digression of Asia and Europe,” History Compass (February 2007). Dr Bose is currently revising a manuscript based on his doctoral dissertation tentatively titled “Modernization and Class Conﬂict: The British Raj on the Calcutta Waterfront.” His research for this project has been supported by generous grants from the Clough Center for the Study of Constitutional Democracy in Boston College, where Dr Bose was a Graduate Fellow (2011–2012) and by a University Fellowship from Boston College. It has also been supported by grants from the Faculty Development Committee at Saint Francis University and the School of Arts and Letters at Saint Francis University. The manuscript is currently under contract with Routledge. Robert Cowherd is an Associate Professor of Architecture at Wentworth Institute of Technology, Boston, USA. He was a 2014–2015 Fulbright
Author biographies Scholar pursuing research on the role of design in the social transformations of Latin American cities. He is a board member of the Global Architectural History Teaching Collaborative and the author of “Cultural Construction of Surakarta,” in The Emerging Asian City, Vinayak Bharne, ed. (2012), as well as “Identity Tectonics: Contested Modernities of Java and Bali, in Across Time and Space: The Politics of Architecture in Modernity, Patrick Haughey, ed. (2016). He holds a PhD in the History and Theory of Architecture, an Urban Design Certiﬁcate from MIT, and a BArch from The Cooper Union. His research focuses on the history and theory of architecture and urbanism in Southeast Asia and Latin America and is informed by extensive ﬁeld work in the developing world; including work in post-tsunami Aceh, where his open-source model for village mapping and planning was widely applied.
Dennis De Witt is Vice-Chairman and former President of the Metropolitan Waterworks Museum in Boston, USA. He holds Masters’ degrees in Architecture from Harvard and the University of Pennsylvania. He is currently a Commissioner of the Massachusetts Historical Commission. His past academic afﬁliations include Head of the Department of History, Theory and Criticism at the Boston Architectural College; Research Associate at the Harvard Graduate School of Design and ArchaeologistCartographer on the Broken-K Pueblo expedition for The Field Museum. In addition to helping research and develop the Waterworks Museum’s permanent exhibits, he designed and curated “Vinal/Wheelwright: The Work of Each as Boston’s Ofﬁcial City Architect,” 2016 and “The Art of Engineering” (concerning nineteenth-century colored-ink-wash engineering drawings), 2015. De Witt was US co-curator of “Aqueducts of Portugal,” 2014. His previous publications include: Arthur H. Vinal and Edmund March Wheelwright: Architects of the Chestnut Hill High Service Pumping Station, Metropolitan Waterworks Museum, Boston, 2016; The Brookline Reservoir Gatehouse, National Historic Landmark Nomination, 2015; “Conspicuous Iron and the Cochituate Aqueduct Gatehouses,” The Journal of the Society for Industrial Archaeology, 2015; Modern Architecture in Europe: A Guide to Buildings Since the Industrial Revolution, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, E.P. Dutton, New York, 1987; and “Neo-vernacular: eine Moderne Tradition,” Architese, 9, 1974. He also contributed to Art and Architecture of the Metropolitan Waterworks, Metropolitan Waterworks Museum, Boston, 2011 and edited and co-authored Benjamin Thompson & Associates, Process Architecture, Tokyo, 1990. Cecilia Fumagalli obtained her Bachelors’ and Masters’ degrees in Architecture at Politecnico di Milano, Italy, in 2006 and 2009, respectively, and a Masters’ in Technology, Architecture and City in Developing Countries at Politecnico di Torino in 2012. Since 2013, she is a PhD candidate in Architecture at the Architecture, Built Environment and Construction
Engineering Department, Politecnico di Milano. Her research and publishing focus on the relationship between the character of the so-called Islamic city and the issues posed by the international institutions operating in the heritage ﬁeld. Since 2006 she has worked at the Politecnico di Milano as a Teaching Assistant and in various Architectural Design Studios as an architect and urban designer. Fumagalli also collaborates with international organizations in many restoration and urban rehabilitation projects in different countries—notably in Morocco, Mauritania and Malaysia. Thomas Gensheimer is a Professor of Architectural History at the Savannah College of Art and Design, Georgia, USA, where he teaches courses in World Architecture, African Art and Architecture, and Islamic Art, Architecture and Cities. He received his PhD from the University of California Berkeley in 1997, where he was awarded a Fulbright Fellowship to conduct research in Kenya on the urban history of the medieval East African coast prior to European contact. Professor Gensheimer has worked in Pakistan excavating the ancient Indus Valley city of Harappa and has lectured and published on the cities of the East African coast, as well as Swahili medieval houses and tombs. He served as co-director of the 4th, 6th and 7th Savannah Symposiums and has co-authored the edited volume World Heritage and National Registers: Stewardship in Perspective (Transaction Publishers, 2015). His most recent publication is a chapter on Swahili houses for Swahili World, one of Routledge World Series publications. He also serves as a board member for the Historic Sites and Monuments Commission for the city of Savannah, Georgia. Patrick Haughey is a Professor of Architectural History at Savannah College of Art and Design, Georgia, USA, where he teaches Modern, Urban and Global Architecture History, as well as Architecture Studio. He received his PhD in the History, Theory and Criticism of Architecture from MIT in 2009. He is the editor and author of Across Time and Space: The Politics of Architecture in Modernity (Transaction Press, 2017), derived from the 8th Savannah Symposium that he co-directed. He is also a co-author of Robin Williams ed., Buildings of Savannah (2016). Recently, he has presented topics, including “Global Savannah: An Economic History, 1733 to the Present,” sponsored by the Society of Architecture Historians and National Endowment of the Arts for the Reading the City series, May 4, 2016 in Savannah: “Cartel Urbanism: Finance and the Architecture of Displacement, Towards a New History of Urbanization.” He was Presenter and Chair of the Geographies of Violence session at The Worlds of Violence, 9th Pan-European Conference on International Relations, September 23–26, 2015, Catania, Sicily; “The Architecture of the Slave Economy,” MIT, May 16, 2015, Cambridge; “The Politics of Style: Historicism and the City,” Spatial Politics, American Association of Geographers’ Conference, April 7, 2017, Boston. He is also a member of the Andrew Mellon Foundation-funded Global Architecture History and Teaching Collaborative.
Lauren Jacobi joined the History, Theory and Criticism faculty at MIT, USA, in 2013. Her research interests focus on the history of late-medieval through pre-industrial Italian architecture and urbanism with an emphasis on connections across the Mediterranean world. She applies economic and sociological concerns to studying urban growth and transformation, architectural history and visual culture. Prior to her position at MIT, Jacobi was a visiting lecturer in the Department of Art History at Dartmouth College. She has also taught at New York University, where she completed her PhD in 2012. She is the author of publications on topics ranging from issues about how money was made to work in the late Middle Ages, to the topographic location of international and local banks in Rome, to the medallic representations of Pope Paul V’s architectural projects. Jacobi was a Rome Prize Fellow at the American Academy in Rome from 2015–2016 where she has been working on a book project in which she studies the topography of money in and beyond Renaissance Florence. Her research has received support from the Kress Foundation, the American Council of Learned Societies, the Dutch Institute in Florence, the American Numismatic Society and the Morgan Library and Museum, among other institutions. Mark Jarzombek is a Professor of the History and Theory of Architecture at MIT, USA, and is one of the country’s leading advocates for global history. He has published several books and articles on that topic, including A Global History of Architecture, Wiley Press, 2006, with co-author Vikram Prakash and illustrator Francis D.K. Ching and Architecture of First Societies: A Global Perspective, Wiley Press, 2013. His Urban Heterology: Dresden and the Dialectics of Post-Traumatic History (Lund University, 2001) rethinks the conventions of urban history, an issue he also addresses in Krzysztof Wodiczko, City of Refuge: A 9/11 Memorial (Blackdog Publisher, 2009), which he edited with Dr Mechtild Widrich. He is currently working on a new book, Architecture Modernity Enlightenment. Recent scholarship includes “Architecture: The Global Imaginary in an Antiglobal World” (Grey Room, 61, Fall 2015), “The Rise of the So-called Premodern” (GSAPP Transcripts: The Urgencies of Architectural Theory, Columbia University, 2015) and “The Shanghai Expo and the Rise of Pop-Arch” (Log, 31, Spring/Summer 2014). Jarzombek serves on the board of several journals and academic institutions including the SSRC and the Buell Foundation and has organized several major international conferences on topics such as Holocaust Memorials, Architecture and Cultural Studies, and East European Architecture. He is the co-founder and Chair of the Andrew Mellon Foundation-funded Global Architecture History and Teaching Collaborative. Nasser Rabbat graduated with a Diplome of Architecture from the University of Damascus, Syria, in 1979. He received his Masters’ of Architecture at
University of California, Los Angeles in 1984 and his PhD in Architecture, Art, and Environmental Studies at MIT in 1991. He is the Aga Khan Professor of Islamic Architecture and the Director of the Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture (AKPIA) at MIT. Rabbat is a world-renowned scholar and advocate for the re-conceptualization of Islamic architecture as a coherent, yet ﬂuid, multifaceted, and open-minded ﬁeld of study. In 2007, he was a visiting professor at the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Munich, followed in 2009 at the École des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales in Paris. He has received The J. Paul Getty Postdoctoral Fellowship, as well as fellowships from the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study Fellowship, The American Research Center in Egypt Fellowship the Chaire de l’Institut du Monde Arabe. Recently, Dr Rabbat received the BritishKuwait Friendship Society Prize in Middle Eastern Studies (2011). He has authored numerous books and edited volumes, including The Citadel of Cairo: A New Interpretation of Royal Mamluk Architecture, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995; Making Cairo Medieval, eds. Nezar AlSayyad, Irene Bierman & Nasser Rabbat, Lantham, MD: Lexington Press, 2005; The Citadel of Cairo: A Guidebook, Cairo: Supreme Council of Antiquities, 2010; in English and Arabic: Al-Mudun al-Mayyita: Durus min Madhih wa-Ru’an li-Mustaqbaliha (The Dead Cities: Lessons from its History and Views on its Future), al-Aws Publishers, 2010; Mamluk History Through Architecture: Building, Culture, and Politics in Mamluk, Egypt and Syria, London: Tauris I. B., 2010) and is editor of The Courtyard House between Cultural Reference and Universal Relevance, London: Ashgate, 2010). He has authored dozens of scholarly articles in both English and Arabic, and is the author of the BBC’s Museum of Lost Objects series. Glen Umberger earned a Master of Fine Arts in Architectural History from Savannah College of Art and Design (SCAD), Georgia, USA, in 2015. His thesis, “Philadelphia City Hall: Redeﬁning the Civic Image of the Modern American City” was awarded the Outstanding Architectural History Graduate Thesis for the 2014–2015 academic year. Mr Umberger is currently the Manager of Special Projects for the New York Landmarks Conservancy. He is also an Adjunct Instructor at New York University, School of Professional Studies, Center for Applied Liberal Arts, where he teaches courses on New York City’s architectural history. Mr Umberger has presented two academic papers: “Curing Architectural Amnesia: A New Look at a Forgotten Famous Civic Masterpiece,” 2014 Annual Meeting Southeast Chapter of the Society of Architectural Historians (SESAH), Fayetteville, Arkansas and “Building Philadelphia’s Marble Elephant: The Economics and Politics of Creating an Iconic City Hall for the Workshop of the World,” Architecture of Trade, 9th Savannah Symposium, Savannah, Georgia. Mr Umberger has also been inducted into the Gamma Eta Chapter of Tau Sigma Delta Honor Society in Architecture and Allied Arts.
Introduction The architecture of trade is as old as human history Patrick Haughey
The exchange of manufactured goods and foodstuffs has formed an integral part of human history in almost every corner of the planet from our earliest days of our existence down to the present.1
Trade is as old as humanity. Indeed, the exchange of goods may be what has always deﬁned humans in relationship to each other. While economists, sociologists, and historians have been writing about trade for centuries, trade is rarely included in the history of architecture. This is itself rather surprising, as the activity of trade is often facilitated by architecture.2 More often than not, trade is what pays for architecture. In 1415, Prince Henry convinced his father, Portuguese King Joao, to conquer the Muslim North African city of Ceuta (Morocco) and launched the process of establishing a series of private trading posts down the Atlantic coast of Africa. For the rest of the century, Portuguese trading posts controlled the trade activities of the African coast in an effort to ensure that Portuguese traders were the primary beneﬁciaries of the lucrative exchange; especially with the rich gold and salt mines of the Ashanti and Mossi via trading centers of the West African Gold Coast and up the Niger River to Djenne and Timbuktu. By 1440, Lisbon had a monopoly on Atlantic trade from their islands and West Africa where they traded for pepper, which came to West Africa overland from Alexandria and Mozambique. They also trade for the pepper now grown in Guinea. One of the great myths of history is that Venice began its decline when the Turks conquered Constantinople in 1453—a bias of Christian history. In fact, Venice was already in decline due to the rise of Lisbon, who were able to undercut their trade in spices by harvesting them at the western end of the Muslim trade routes in West Africa and from their newfound monopoly on cheap sugar. Portugal was also the ﬁrst European Empire to realize the potential of sugar indigenous to Southeast Asia, planting it on their islands of the Azores, Goree, and the Canary Islands, although Muslim merchants had already successfully planted the crop in Sicily. To make the trade work, Lisbon traded spices and sugar for grain, wool, copper,
and timber in Antwerp, which they exchanged for spices, pepper, and gold in West Africa. The gold helped to ﬁnance their expeditions around Africa to the Indian Ocean and eventually the China Sea (see Chapter 2 for more). In 1498, Vasco de Gama rounded the Cape of Good Hope and introduced the relatively peaceful Indian Ocean to violence and extortion. In 1510, Alfonso de Albuquerque conquered Goa and proceeded to try to conquer every port between Aden and Malacca to ensure a complete monopoly. While Lisbon, for the most part, remained the political capital of the Portuguese trading empire, the region of Goa, with its port at Daman Diu, was the economic capital, controlling the vast administration of the Estado de Indies. Eventually, the global powerhouse of the Estado de Indies was challenged by their European neighbors. However, Goa remained Portuguese for centuries until the newly-minted independent nation of India took it back by force in 1961. Portuguese trading ships were armed with cannon, a technology that was new to the ports along the African coast. After several centuries of open trade dominated by Muslim and Chinese sea traders, the Portuguese exploited local rivalries and used cannon ﬁred from their ships to batter lightly fortiﬁed port towns into submission. The Cartaz trade monopoly system is named after the “cartaz,” or “letter,” certifying the payment of ‘The Royal Fifth’—a 20% tax or trade duty—to the Portuguese crown. Failure to produce such a letter could result in the conﬁscation of cargo, the destruction of ships, or death. The original ambition of the Cartaz System was to make Portuguese merchants the sole beneﬁciaries of the most lucrative trade commodities, particularly pepper. The market prices of spices brought through long chains of middlemen to from the Spice Islands (Indonesia) were based on the incremental price increases each time it changed hands along the way. By bypassing as many of the middlemen as possible, Portuguese merchants limited competition and concentrated proﬁts in their own hands The East was low-volume, but its products commanded a massively high price. Returns on pepper, mace, cloves, cinnamon, and nutmeg in Lisbon could reach 180 times the price paid in Calicut on the Malabar Coast and reach higher than that in Antwerp, London and Bruges. Lisbon’s wealth was derived from the unprecedented proﬁts from the Portuguese dominance of sea-based trade routes along the Atlantic coast of Africa, the Indian Ocean and the China Sea all the way to Japan. Prior to the arrival of the Portuguese under the Muslim Trading System, when pepper arrived in Europe it was more valuable than gold. The arrival of the Portuguese ﬂeet in the Indian Ocean and their virtual monopoly of the spice trade to Europe by 1580, as well as the slave trade from the Captaincy of Angola to their American colonies, paid for a number of impressive architectures and infrastructure back in Lisbon, including the Tower of Belem and the Monastery of Saint Jerome. The Tower of Belem was built from 1510–1514 to protect the Portuguese Fleet as it departed for Africa and later, India. It is also a reference to the
endless crusade to return the “Holy Lands” to Christianity at the behest of the 15th-century Papal Bulls and in the aftermath of the conquest of the Turks. Only seven ships made the trip out of Lisbon to Goa in the early years, so protecting them from European competitors was important, as was ascending Lisbon’s dominance over trade not only north to Antwerp, but into the Mediterranean due. The Tower of Belem (a reference to Bethlehem), is an exemplary architecture of both power and the multiple cultural inﬂuences on the Iberian peninsula. The naming of the Tower, if not its form, from scripture would come to play an important role in the both the Estado de Indies and the Americas under Portuguese rule. Towers to protect valuable harbors were not new to the region, as they were prominent throughout the coastal lands controlled by Muslim rulers for centuries, as well as the many others, from the Visigoths to the Carthaginians and Romans. What is relatively unique about the Tower is that it was designed and built by Fransisco Arruda, who studied architecture across the straits in North Africa. The tower is built with what is known as the Manueline style (after the King). The style is a hybrid of the Byzantine-Islamic style typical of Umayyad and Almohad Al-Andalucia and North African structures, with delicate horseshoe arches, details and stonework. Much of the architecture
Figure 0.1 Jeronimos Monastery, before 1755 (ﬁrst half of the 18th century (PD)).3
in both Portugal, Spain and their colonies overseas is inﬂuenced by the long ties with both Byzantine and Arabic craftsman, many of whom converted to Christianity by force, or to avoid the Inquisitions that begin in the middle of the 15th century, rather than be forced away from their homes. You can also see similar features in the cloister of the Monastery of Saint Jerome, as well as in the remnants the Palace of the King that was later remodeled to imitate French Versailles in the 17th century, after the devastating earthquake the destroyed the city in 1755. The Monastery of Saint Jerome (1516–1544) is also known as the “Pepper Cathedral,” despite the fact that it was largely built with a tax on non-pepper spices (Figure 0.1). King Manuel originally funded the project with money obtained from the Vintena da Pimenta, a 5% tax on commerce from Africa and the Orient, equivalent to 70 kilograms (150 pounds) of gold per year. Pepper, cinnamon and cloves went untaxed because those proﬁts went to the crown. With the inﬂux of riches, the architects built one of the largest buildings in Europe. The narrow columns on the interior are adorned with the representations of the riches from the Indies, including the important peppercorns. The ornamentation also illustrates images of navigation instruments as well as “exotic” plants and animals from the colonies. Vasco de Gama, whose navigation around the Cape of Good Hope allowed the Portuguese ﬂeet to the exploit the Indian Ocean and the modern poet Luís de Camões, who commemorated de Gama’s achievements, are buried here in elaborate tombs. In 1833, the Monastery was secularized; its art stripped and the space abandoned before restoration began in 1863 that has completely altered its exterior appearance, demolished signiﬁcant portions of the building, and relocated the tombs. By the turn of the century, the Monastery of Saint Jerome became a secular temple for the burial and commemoration of a few nationalist poets, as well as for Dictator António de Oliveira Salazar, who was interned there for ten years in 1951 before his body was moved to a new memorial. The Tower and the Monastery are in the neighborhood of Belem, where for the past four centuries, Portugal has used monuments and architecture to commemorate its discoveries while eliminating the violence of its exploitation. Included here are the Praça do Império, built in 1938 to commemorate the dictatorship and new 1933 Constitution of the Estado Nova, which permanently enshrined Portugal’s “civilizing powers” beyond its European boundaries. The Praça brieﬂy held an exposition celebrating the triumphs of Portugal’s age of exploration.4 As other European powers reduced Portugal’s inﬂuence on the East, Lisbon increasingly relied on the violent exploitation of Angola and Brazil’s slave-based economies for its wealth. Indeed, Angola spans around 481,226 square miles along the southwest coast of Africa and is notably rich in mineral reserves, including oil, iron, copper, bauxite, diamonds and uranium. After the loss of Goa in 1961, the Captaincy of Angola was the primary source of Portugal’s wealth. However, by the 1970s, the collapse of oil
prices, the postcolonial tensions throughout much of Africa and the civil wars from Algeria to Angola, created a complex and violent rupture in the last remaining large colony of the former Portuguese empire, from which the host country and its leadership in Lisbon never fully recovered. While the 1938 exposition was temporary, the fountain with the crests of the families from that era remains along with Salazar’s 1960s monument to Henry the Navigator, the Padrão dos Descobrimentos. The endless remodelling of the large former monastery continued into the 1960s when the Maritime Museum was added to the building, completing the Monastery’s role as a centuries-long monument to Portugal’s once vast Trading Empire.
Chapter summary This volume owes its existence to the generous work and research conducted by its authors and, of course, the hard work of its publisher. Indeed, we hope that this volume serves as an inspiration for the renewal of research into how architecture inﬂuences and participates in trade on a global and local scale across time. It is not intended to be comprehensive; rather each chapter is a specialized look at trade through the lens of eleven Architectural Historians. Indeed, much of what historians and economists have written about trade unfairly privileges a Eurocentric model. Yet the emergence of this European trading world—particularly the new ﬁnancial innovations such as banking, bond markets, and currency arbitrage that paid for and gave birth to the art and architecture of the “Italian” Renaissance, exists precisely because it was at the intersection of the European textile trade and the centuries-old Muslim Trading World that spanned from Cordoba to East Africa and the China Sea.5 In the ﬁrst chapter, Patrick Haughey cites architectural evidence and history to prove that the features of contemporary global capitalism were in existence long before Adam Smith theorized its existence or Karl Marx offered his widely-read critique. What is more, it has been operative on a global scale centuries before the emergence of the neoliberal post-World War order of the late twentieth century. “Legacies of Colonialism: Towards an Architectural History of Capitalism,” argues that contrary to popular belief, the origins of what we now think of as ﬁnancial capitalism and its mythical “free-market” ethos can be traced to the coercive and violent laws that enabled an on-going 500-year global war over resources for proﬁt originating in the late 16th century, with colonialism by proﬁteering shareholders in English charter companies, as well as in the simultaneous systems of consumerism, slavery, and coercion that underwrote both the Industrial and “American” Revolutions. In Chapter 2: “Spices, Spies, and Speculation: Trust and Control in the early Batavia-Amsterdam System,” Robert Cowherd reveals the coercive and violent origins of capitalism through the architectural and urban lens of the Dutch East India Company. Cowherd examines the speciﬁc formal-spatial
conﬂicts of Dutch Batavia (Jakarta) and offers insights to these larger sets of instrumental forces that constitute a set of prerequisites for the operations of early European adventures in expanded trade relations. Batavia exempliﬁes an architecture of control characteristic of the widely-dispersed type of the European fortiﬁed port town. For several centuries, Europeans were driven by religious imperative and greed to break the tightly held Muslim spice trade monopolies supplying Venice from then mythical locations far to the east. Among the multiple elements that ﬁgure prominently into the 16thand 17th-century history of discovery, capture, defense, and control of the transcontinental networks of exchange is the architecture of an interconnected series of fortress-port-factory-towns. Like the technologically sophisticated ships shuttling goods, munitions, priests, soldiers, laborers, ﬁnance, and information between ports of call, the port towns themselves were designed to minimize the labor needed to move goods and secure the town against all threats, whether external or from the population of the town itself. One of the lasting legacies of these port towns is the strategy of strict physical segregation and social fragmentation, permitting a handful of Europeans to guard against insurrection. Nasser Rabbat, in Chapter 3: “Cities of Incense and Myrrh: Fantasy and Capitalism in the Arabian Gulf,” notes that trade can persist for millennia, transforming the landscape between the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf over time, adapting along the way to invent and reinvent systems of trade as architecture and urbanism. As Rabbat writes, in the second and ﬁrst millennium BCE, the Arabian Peninsula and the Fertile Crescent witnessed the emergence of highly efﬁcient cities as commercial emporia along the trade routes bringing the luxury goods of Asia to the consumption centers of Antiquity along the Mediterranean. Over time, these legendary cities, Babylon, Byblos, Dura-Europos, Palmyra, Petra, Alexandria, Sanaa, Mokha, Damascus, Baghdad, Cairo, and Istanbul, which rose and fell with the rise and fall of empires, became the subject of myth. This fairy tale image survived their political and commercial decline and tinged the monumental architecture of their Middle Eastern urban heirs in the modern age with an aura of Oriental mystery and opulence. Nowhere is this more evident than in cities of the Arabian Gulf—Dubai, Abu Dhabi, Doha, and Manama— which have become the contemporary “fabled cities of the East” by design. Trade, even as it is mobile, leaves its traces in both architecture and memory. For Mark Jarzombek in Chapter 4: “Borneo, the River Effect, and the Spirit World Millionaires,” the absent elite architecture of Borneo is contrasted with traces left in the landscape that reveal a long ignored yet crucial aspect of global trade. For that reason, Borneo is rarely mentioned in discussions about the development of architecture and cities in Southeast Asia. However, that Borneo was targeted early on by Indian traders because it possessed an extraordinary litany of wealth-producing commodities, from gold, diamonds, camphor, and pearls, which were interesting to the Indian traders to tortoise shells (used by the Chinese as oracle bones), hornbill
ivory (which the Chinese value above true ivory, or even jade, to make belt buckles for high ofﬁcials), rhinoceros horn (used to treat fever, rheumatism, gout, and other disorders), and edible bird’s nests, a food item so valuable that it was reserved only for the family of the Chinese emperor. Thomas Gensheimer, in Chapter 5: “House as Marketplace: Swahili Merchant Houses and their Urban Context in the Later Middle Ages,” describes the vibrant, yet often neglected role of the East African coast in this global trade. The port cities of the East African coast had served as centers of commercial exchange centuries before the Portuguese arrived at the end of the 15th century. For over a thousand years, traders from Persia, India, and southern Arabia ventured to the coast, providing the economic foundation for the development of an indigenous and prosperous Islamic urban culture whose cities shared many architectural features common throughout the western Indian Ocean basin. Despite the importance of trade, the presence of extensive bazaars, characteristic of cities throughout the medieval Muslim world, appears to be largely lacking along the Swahili coast. Indeed, Gensheimer explains how, due to the nature of the luxury trade, Swahili domestic structures served as a substitute arena for facilitating inter-regional exchange between foreign merchants and local elites. While much has been written about the art, architecture, and philosophy of this “Italian” Renaissance era, it was trade and banking that paid for this largess.6 Indeed, due to competition from the Portuguese and the new trade monopoly imposed by the Ottoman Empire, much of the power of this region faded by the late 16th century. Yet, many of the banking families remained powerful. Indeed, by the middle of the 16th century the mercantile loggia, a relic of an earlier period of Tuscan power, re-emerged as a building type that was once again used to demarcate places of trade in Florence and areas of Tuscany under the Medici’s control. Lauren Jacobi, in Chapter 6: “An Anachronism of Trade: The Mercato Nuovo in Florence (1546–51),” argues that this architecture, designed by Giovanni Battista del Tasso between 1546 and 1551 to encourage gold and silk trade, was deliberately anachronistic in its modality, at a time when Florence’s elite paradoxically sought to distance themselves from a connection to commerce. Doron Bauer, in Chapter 7: “Merchant Identity: The Cartographic Impulse in the Architectural Sculpture of the Llotja of Palma de Mallorca,” reminds us that Spain also had a vibrant and architecturally signiﬁcant role in trade. His chapter focuses on the closely related Llotja of Palma de Mallorca and the Llotja of Valencia. The two late-medieval gothic buildings were commissioned by merchant guilds in prominent port cities in the western Mediterranean to function as stock markets as well as the seat of the College of Merchants (and in Valencia also of the Consulate of the Sea). Bauer notes that both cities feature large and impressive commercial halls where commodities were brought and their prices were subjected to negotiations. In Chapter 8, Cecilia Fumagalli brings us back to the architecture of the Muslim Trading World with “The Travels of a Merchant throughout
the Islamic World.” Indeed, for Fumagalli, the Islamic urban world is based on the idea of the market, which is arguably the visible part of the urban structure for visitors. The towns of the entire Islamic world are connected to each other through caravan routes, where goods travel up to suqs and bazars, which are the arrival point of a broader territorial system. Therefore, to understand the Islamic urban and territorial structure, Fumagalli insists that it is from the perspective of the merchant traveling from town to town that we witness how the architectural, urban, and land structures of the Islamic city are shaped to accommodate the merchant during his travels. While global trade systems and their regional and urban impacts dominate this volume, in Chapter 9, Dennis De Witt introduces new structural evidence on an architectural typology crucial to global trade: “Savannah’s Custom House: A Peculiar Construction of Galvanized Iron, Apparently Durable and Well-Adapted to a Southern Climate.” De Witt reminds us that architecture must be built, and often it must deploy an innovative structure. Further, his scholarship is a reminder that architectural history is forever unﬁnished. Indeed, as De Witt argues, these structural innovations embodied in the Savannah’s Custom Custom House and its relationship to the Boston Merchants Exchange is quite possibly unique in the history of United States architecture. Aniruddha Bose challenges the Western narrative of industrialization, by reminding us that much of the colonial world was at the forefront of trade innovation in Chapter 10: “The Modernization of a Port in British India: Calcutta, 1870–1880.” In the 19th century, the Calcutta port was not only the most important trading center in eastern India; it was the capital of the British Raj. From around 1860 to 1910, the British Indian government invested considerable sums to upgrade the port’s infrastructure. Throughout this period, thousands of men, women, and children labored, loading and unloading the cargoes passing through the port. This chapter examines records from 1860–1870 in order to understand the impact of these changes on the port’s workforce. The signiﬁcance of this research is threefold. First, it sheds light on the processes of class formation in British India, while demonstrating that violence and coercion are embedded in trade. Second, it complicates our understanding of the relationship between technology and subaltern populations in British India. Third, it demonstrates the scale of the Calcutta waterfront, thereby underlining the importance of trade in the architecture of urban India. Finally, in Chapter 11 Glen Umberger introduces us to an understudied, yet signiﬁcant late-19th century monument in “Building the Marble Elephant: The Creation of Philadelphia’s Iconic City Hall.” Umberger considers how political resolve managed to produce a monumental municipal building symbolizing the city’s image of itself as the manufacturing capital of the world, without any mortgage, liens, or encumbrances and how, in spite of its cost and size, it is still one of the most overlooked architectural landmarks in the United States. For the next thirty years, Philadelphia would be involved
in the construction of the New Public Building, which was designed by a dedicated small group of world-class architects and artists whose goal was to create an iconic architectural masterpiece that “in some far off future day be all that remains to tell the story of our civilization, and to testify to the dignity and public spirit of our people.” Boasting a didactic sculptural program designed “to express American ideas and develop American genius,” the new City Hall featured a multitude of allegorical representations including commerce, industry, and trade. Remarkably, although conceived during the national ﬁnancial crisis surrounding the Panic of 1873, the city ofﬁcially completed their monumental task in July 1901, producing the largest and most expensive municipal building in North America.
Notes 1 2 3 4 5
Charles Parker, Global Interactions in the Early Modern Age, 1400–1800 (Cambridge University Press, New York, 2010), 68. Parts of this introduction were written with Robert Cowherd for the Andrew Mellon Foundation funded Global Architecture History and Teaching Collaborative. It has been edited and modiﬁed for publication. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jer%C3%B3nimos_Monastery#/media/File: Mosteiro_dos_Jer%C3%B3nimos_antes_de_1755.png. Elen Sapega, “Remembering Empire/Forgetting the Colonies: Accretions of Memory and the Limits of Commemoration in a Lisbon Neighborhood,” History and Memory v.20, n.2, 2008, 19–24. “Italian” is in quotes because there was no such thing as Italy until the 19th century conquest ﬁrst of northern Italy by Napoleon, followed by the decadeslong invasion southwards of Victor Emmanuel during Risorgimento. Indeed, from around 586 to 1815, what we think of as Italy was a series of shifting territories, Papal States, and Kingdoms.
Legacies of colonialism Towards an architectural history of capitalism Patrick Haughey
A brief history of economics and enlightenment philosophy The origins of capitalism, as opposed to other forms of exchange, has a murky history. Most economists and historians pinpoint its emergence between its diagnosis by Adam Smith in the late 18th century and its critique by Karl Marx in the late 19th century. Historians attempting to understand the relationship of capitalism have followed this pattern. The eminent American Historian, Joyce Appleby published The Relentless Revolution: A History of Capitalism in 2010. She notes admirably that to claim a start date for capitalism is arbitrary and that it is cultural as well as economic. Despite noting the inﬂuence of the Portuguese, Spanish, various Papal decrees and even the Dutch, she claims these only bolster the case for English exceptionalism. For Appleby, capitalism begins in England “with the convergence of agricultural improvements, global explorations, and scientiﬁc advances.”1 Indeed, she insists their experience was “unique,” all while she admits that people in Africa, the Middle East and India had capitalism “thrust” upon them; yet, while there is little mention in her book of “revolution” against state-sponsored violence, she does mention the relationship between the Natural philosophers and economic justiﬁcation and cites the usual suspects in her introduction: Adam Smith, Karl Marx, Thomas Paine, Max Weber, and others.2 She notes Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations (1776) is the ﬁrst diagnosis of nearly two centuries of history, yet still ﬁnds the origins of English capitalism to occur around this moment. This chapter is going to take her at her word. The English did create capitalism, but not in the way she and many others have seen it.3 Appleby’s “global explorations” required state-sponsored violence. The agricultural improvements and scientiﬁc advancements leading to the industrial revolution were the result of law and privileged landed power. Even Thomas Piketty’s bestselling Capital in the Twenty-First Century (2014) places the origins of capitalism, in his twist, the beginning of wealth inequality at this moment. Piketty pairs the classical natural philosophy of England with its late 18th-century emergence in France under the guise of enlightenment and the rapid explosion of its population. He also unpacks