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Colonial exploitation and economic development the belgian congo and the netherlands indies compared

ROUTLEDGE EXPLORATIONS IN ECONOMIC
HISTORY

Colonial Exploitation and
Economic Development
The Belgian Congo and the
Netherlands Indies compared
Edited by
Ewout Frankema and
Frans Buelens


Colonial Exploitation and Economic
Development

Whereas the Indonesian economy progressed rapidly during the last three
decades of the twentieth century and Indonesia became a self-­reliant and assertive world power, the Congo regressed into a state of political chaos and endemic
violence which continues until the present. To what extent do the different legacies of Dutch and Belgian colonial rule in Indonesia and the Congo explain these
different development trajectories? The Netherlands Indies and the Belgian
Congo rank among the most “exploited” cases of modern European imperialism.
The atrocities committed under the forced cultivation system in Java and

Leopold’s wild rubber scheme in the Congo have become synonymous with
unscrupulous European greed. Can two systems of extractive institutions
produce a distinctively different long-­term legacy?
This book discusses the comparative legacy of colonial rule in the Netherlands Indies and the Belgian Congo during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries from a wide range of social, political, economic, and institutional
perspectives. The authors reveal notable contrasts in the development of the rural
subsistence sector, the plantation economy (rubber), and the industrial sector.
The book also discusses differences in labour relations, land tenure policies, and
varying features of colonial state formation, such as the development of the fiscal
system, the education system, and the direction of post-­independence economic
policies pursued under Suharto and Mobutu, two of the most callous dictators of
the twentieth century.
The comparative approach contributes to a deeper understanding of the role
of colonial institutional legacies in long-­run patterns of economic divergence. It
adds the thought-­provoking cases of Dutch and Belgian rule to the existing literature comparing the evolution of the British, French, Spanish and Portuguese
empires and complements the literature that seeks to understand the notable
Africa–Asia divergence in the post-­independence era.
Ewout Frankema is Full Professor and Chair of Rural and Environmental
History at Wageningen University, the Netherlands.
Frans Buelens is a researcher at the Faculty of Applied Economics, University
of Antwerp, Belgium.


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The good of counting
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45 Nation, State and the Industrial
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The visible hand
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Nordic foreign trade and exchange
1919–1939
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John Hillman
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50 Ideas and Economic Crises in
Britain from Attlee to Blair
(1945–2005)
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51 Bengal Industries and the
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(1757–1857)
Indrajit Ray
52 The Evolving Structure of the
East Asian Economic System
since 1700
Edited by A.J.H. Latham and
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53 German Immigration and
Servitude in America,
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54 The Rise of Planning in
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Richard Adelstein
55 An Economic History of Modern
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Lennart Schön
56 The Standard of Living and
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Boris Mironov
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friendly plant breeding
Jonathan Harwood
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63 Agricultural Transformation in
a Global History Perspective
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64 Colonial Exploitation and
Economic Development
The Belgian Congo and the
Netherlands Indies compared
Edited by Ewout Frankema and
Frans Buelens



Colonial Exploitation and
Economic Development

The Belgian Congo and the Netherlands
Indies compared
Edited by Ewout Frankema and
Frans Buelens


First published 2013
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2013 selection and editorial material, Ewout Frankema and Frans
Buelens; individual chapters, the contributors
The right of Ewout Frankema and Frans Buelens to be identified as the
authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual
chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
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known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
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Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
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without intent to infringe.
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ISBN: 978-0-415-52174-1 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-0-203-55940-6 (ebk)
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear


Contents






List of figures
List of tables
List of contributors
Preface



Introduction

xiii
xv
xvii
xviii
1

E wout F rankema and F rans B uelens

0.1  Colonial exploitation and economic development  1
0.2  Comparing the Belgian Congo and the Netherlands Indies  3
0.3  Post-­colonial economic divergence  7
0.4  Differences in the evolution of colonial connections  8
0.5  Organization  12
  1 Extractive institutions in the Congo: checks and balances in
the longue durée

18

A ndreas E xenberger and S imon H artmann

1.1  Introduction  18
1.2  Pre-­colonial history: traditional checks and balances  20
1.3  Colonial history: unchecked power  24
1.4  Post-­colonial history: the unbalanced failing state  29
1.5  Conclusions  33
  2 Colonial extraction in the Indonesian archipelago: a long
historical view
T hee K ian W ie

2.1  Introduction  41
2.2  The Dutch East India Company (VOC), 1602–1799  41
2.3  The transformation of colonial rule, 1799–1830  43

41


x   Contents
2.4  The Cultivation System (CS), 1830–70  45
2.5  The liberal reforms, 1870–1900  48
2.6  The Ethical Policy, 1900s–20s  52
2.7  The Great Depression, the Japanese occupation, and
Indonesia’s independence, 1929–45  54
2.8  Conclusion  56
  3 Varieties of exploitation in colonial settings: Dutch and Belgian
policies in Indonesia and the Congo and their legacies

60

A nne booth

3.1  Colonial exploitation: some definitions  60
3.2  Explaining the divergence in GDP growth after 1970  61
3.3  Indonesia, 1830–1942: a better class of exploitation?  62
3.4  The evolution of the Congo Colonial State: comparisons with
Indonesia  68
3.5  Looking again at the post-­1970s divergence  80
  4 The land tenure system in the Congo, 1885–1960: actors,
motivations, and consequences

88

P iet clement

4.1  Introduction  88
4.2  Staking a claim: land ownership status in the Congo Free
State, 1885–1908  89
4.3  From the Congo Free State to the Belgian Congo: hesitant
reform  90
4.4  Surveying the land: the decree of 1934 and formalized land
adjudications  95
4.5  Land legislation disputes and the end of colonialism  99
4.6  Land policies and rural development  100
4.7  Conclusion  103
  5 In the shadow of opium: tax farming and the political
economy of colonial extraction in Java, 1807–1911
A bdul W ahid

5.1  Introduction  109
5.2  The expansion of tax farming under Dutch colonial rule  111
5.3  The opium tax farm  114
5.4  The small tax farms  117
5.5  The end of tax farming and its long-­term effects  120
5.6  Conclusion  124

109


Contents   xi
  6 Fiscal policy in the Belgian Congo in comparative
perspective

130

L eigh G ardner

6.1  Introduction  130
6.2  A difficult inheritance: the fiscal legacy of the Congo Free
State  132
6.3  Reforming the Congo’s tax system after 1908  138
6.4  Public spending: a more familiar pattern  143
6.5  Financial relations between the Congo and the Belgian state
after 1908  147
6.6  Conclusion: a colonial state struggling to catch up  148
  7 Colonial education and post-­colonial governance in the
Congo and Indonesia

153

E wout F rankema

7.1  Introduction  153
7.2  Different approaches to colonial educational
development  155
7.3  Comparing school enrollment rates, 1880–2000  160
7.4  The success of the missionary effort in the Congo  164
7.5  Comparing the quality of education  166
7.6  Education for self-­determination  169
7.7  Conclusion  173
  8 (Un)freedom: colonial labor relations in Belgian Congo and
the Netherlands Indies compared

178

V incent houben and julia seibert

8.1  Introduction  178
8.2  Colonial rural exploitation in Java  179
8.3  The labor regime on the Outer Islands  181
8.4  New forms of unfree labor in the Belgian Congo  182
8.5  Comparative observations  186
  9 Rubber cultivation in Indonesia and the Congo from the
1910s to the 1950s: divergent paths
W illiam G . C larence - ­smith

9.1  Introduction  193
9.2  Factor endowment in Indonesia and the Congo  194
9.3  Large plantations in Indonesia  196

193


xii   Contents
9.4  Large plantations in the Congo  198
9.5  Smallholdings in Indonesia  200
9.6  Smallholdings in the Congo  203
9.7  Conclusion  206
10 Manufacturing and foreign investment in colonial Indonesia

211

J . T homas lindblad

10.1  Introduction  211
10.2  Modernity in a traditional context  212
10.3  The different faces of capitalism  217
10.4  Unilever Indonesia  221
10.5  Conclusion  224
11 The industrialization of the Belgian Congo

229

F rans B uelens and danny cassimon

11.1  Introduction  229
11.2  “Raubwirtschaft” (1885–1908)  231
11.3  The first wave of industrialization (1920–40)  232
11.4  The second wave of industrialization (1940–58)  237
11.5  Planning for the development of heavy industries
(1958–60)  241
11.6  The collapse of the Congolese industrial complex  242
11.7  Summary and conclusions  245
12 Mobutu, Suharto, and the challenges of nation-­building and
economic development, 1965–97

251

jan - ­F rederik A bbeloos

12.1  Introduction  251
12.2  Similar challenges, different circumstances  257
12.3  Political versus economic capacity building  259
12.4  Urban versus rural interests  262
12.5  The reversal of fortune  263
12.6  Conclusion  268


Conclusion

274

E wout frankema and frans buelens



Index

281


Figures

  0.1
  0.2
  0.3
  0.4
  1.1
  1.2
  1.3
  2.1
  4.1
  5.1
  6.1
  6.2
  6.3
  6.4
  6.5
  6.6
  7.1
  7.2
  7.3
  7.4
  7.5
10.1
10.2
10.3
12.1
12.2

The equatorial location of the Congo (DRC) and Indonesia
Map of the Belgian Congo, c.1920
Map of the Netherlands Indies, c.1920
GDP per capita of Indonesia and the Congo (DRC), 1950–2010
Map of Central Africa
Regional slave trade networks in the Congo Region, 1600s–1800s
Economic deterioration in the Congo, 1950–2010
The Great Post Road (De Grote Postweg) from Anyer to
Panarukan built by Governor Herman Willem Daendels in 1808
Railroads and navigable waterways in the Belgian Congo, c.1932
Public revenue in the Netherlands Indies, 1821–45
Map of the Congo Basin region
Per capita revenue in the Belgian Congo and selected British
colonies, 1911
Per capita hut tax payments by province, 1929
Revenue by source, 1930 and 1955
Allocation of public spending in the Belgian Congo
Public spending in 1955
The education system in the Belgian Congo after 1925/9
The education system in the Netherlands Indies in the 1920s
Gross primary school enrollment rates (age 6–11) in the Belgian
Congo and the Netherlands Indies, 1940–2000
Gross secondary and tertiary enrollment rates in the Belgian
Congo and the Netherlands Indies, 1890–1940
Per capita government expenditure on education in the
Netherlands Indies and the Belgian Congo, 1880–1940 (in current
US$)
Sectoral composition of Indonesian GDP, 1900–36
Number of factories in the Netherlands Indies, 1908–40
Dutch capital investment and exports from the Netherlands
Indies, 1910–39
The Congo’s merchandise export composition (1892–2010)
Indonesia’s merchandise export composition (1874–2010)

4
5
6
8
20
22
31
43
93
114
133
138
141
143
145
146
157
159
161
163
167
213
214
219
253
254


xiv   Figures
12.3 Evolution of the average annual crude oil and copper prices
(1960–2008)
12.4 Indonesia’s and the Congo’s net barter terms of trade (1967–2009)
C.1 Argumentation scheme

264
265
275


Tables

  0.1 Estimated and guesstimated population densities in the Congo,
Indonesia and Java, 1890, 1920, and 1950
  1.1 Inequality between Europeans and Africans in the Belgian
Congo, 1958
  2.1 Production and exports of Java and Madura during the
Cultivation System (1833–69)
  2.2 Contributions from the Netherlands Indies to the Dutch treasury,
1851–61
  2.3 Number of Chinese, Javanese, and Indian workers in East
Sumatra, 1883–1930
  3.1 Budgetary revenues and expenditures per capita, c.1938, African
Colonies and Indonesia
  3.2 Budgetary and trade indicators compared: Netherlands Indies and
the Belgian Congo, 1937
  3.3 Road and rail densities: Indonesia and the Congo, 1938–9 and
1958–9
  3.4 Population densities and road and rail densities: Zaïre and the
Outer Islands of Indonesia, c.1960
  3.5 Budgetary revenues and expenditures per capita, Belgian Congo/
Zaïre: 1939–70
  3.6 Area under main cash crops, 1958
  3.7 Hectares of food crops per thousand people, 1958
  3.8 Production of food crops, 1958
  3.9 Area cultivated by peasant households per agricultural worker,
1934 and 1958
  5.1 Income from tax farming in the Netherlands Indies,
1816–1925
  5.2 The composition of tax farming revenue in Java, 1851–1900
  7.1 Absolute numbers and indices of missionary presence and
students enrolled in the Belgian Congo, 1908–57
  7.2 The “population support ratio” in the British, Dutch, and Belgian
colonial empires, c.1938
11.1 GDP (1958) (value added by industry)

11
29
46
47
50
71
71
72
74
75
76
77
77
78
112
117
164
165
230


xvi   Tables
11.2 Comparing industrial production for Belgium and the Belgian
Congo in 1957
11.3 Balance of payments of the Belgian Congo and Ruanda–Urundi
(1920–39)
11.4 Capital account of the Belgian Congo and Ruanda–Urundi
(1948–58)
11.5 Evolution of the volume index of industrial production (1939–57)
12.1 Divergence in growth, structures of production, and export
between the Congo and Indonesia (1960–2010)

231
233
239
240
252


Contributors

Jan-­Frederik Abbeloos, Ghent University
Anne Booth, SOAS, University of London
Frans Buelens, University of Antwerp
Danny Cassimon, University of Antwerp
William G. Clarence-­Smith, SOAS, University of London
Piet Clement, PhD in history, freelance researcher
Andreas Exenberger, University of Innsbruck
Ewout Frankema, Wageningen University and Utrecht University
Leigh Gardner, London School of Economics
Simon Hartmann, Austrian Research Foundation for International Development,
Vienna
Vincent Houben, Humboldt University of Berlin
Thee Kian Wie, Indonesian Institute of Sciences (P2E-LIPI), Jakarta
J. Thomas Lindblad, Leiden University
Julia Seibert, American University, Cairo
Abdul Wahid, Utrecht University


Preface

The conception of this book can be traced back to the late afternoon of Monday
August 3, 2009. In a session on African business history at the World Economic
History Congress 2009 in Utrecht, Frans Buelens presented a paper on the equity
development of Union Minière, Belgium’s largest mining company active in the
Belgian Congo from 1906. Ewout Frankema was in the audience. In the aftermath of that session we engaged in a lively discussion about why the Dutch and
the Belgians know so little about each other’s colonial history. Apparently, states
and nations, like people, have their own ways of digesting the past and are typically not keen to share the most shameful aspects with outsiders. In fact, until
today even a frank national debate about the colonial legacy has been continuously frustrated by politicians and lobby groups in the Netherlands and Belgium.
However, when nations cannot come to terms with the black pages of their
history, they will find it impossible to take genuine responsibility for the consequences of their deeds.
That afternoon we decided to try to organize a meeting where some leading
Belgian and Dutch scholars could exchange their views on colonial exploitation
and also explicitly address the question of how this legacy may have affected the
long-­term development of the subject peoples in the Congo and Indonesia. The
project grew bigger than we originally envisaged when we obtained a grant from
the Vlaams–Nederlandse Comité voor Nederlandse Taal en Cultuur, enabling us
to organize two workshops, one in Utrecht (December 2010) and one in Antwerp
(October 2011), and to invite a number of international scholars to join the
exchange. The proceedings of these workshops have eventually resulted in this
book.
We are grateful for the generous support of the Dutch and Flemish Science
foundations. We also thank the N.W. Posthumus Institute (the research school
for economic and social history in the Netherlands and Flanders) for financial
support. We thank Utrecht University and the University of Antwerp for hosting
our workshops. We are grateful to Simon Holt and Emily Kindleysides of
Routledge for guiding us smoothly through the logistical details of the publication process. A final word of thanks goes to our former colleague Daan Marks,
who was a co-­initiator of this project until he took up his current job at the
­Ministry of Foreign Affairs.


Preface   xix
Things are changing. In the spring of 2010 David van Reybrouck’s Congo.
Een geschiedenis (De Bezige Bij) started to conquer the Belgian and Dutch
market. This book about Belgium’s colonial past won two major literary prizes
in the Netherlands, the AKO-­Literatuurprijs and the Libris Geschiedenis Prijs,
testifying to a huge hidden interest in the topic. It is our hope that our book can
further contribute to the struggle against the great amnesia.



Introduction
Ewout Frankema and Frans Buelens

0.1  Colonial exploitation and economic development
During the first half of the twentieth century approximately one-­third of the total
world population lived under some form of European colonial rule. Since many
of what are now the poorest countries in the world were part of European
empires in the not so distant past, there is a strong belief that colonial policies
and institutions have shaped the long-­run development of their economies for
the worse. Ample historical literature has shown that particular practices of colonial exploitation have caused widespread impoverishment, not only because
colonial powers prioritized their own economic, political, and military interests
at the expense of the majority of subject peoples, but also because they
bequeathed to their overseas possessions distorted institutions which have undermined political stability and the growth of prosperity in the post-­colonial era
(Mamdani 1996; Rodney 1972).
Scholars who stress the “developmental” features of colonialism tend to argue
that the tightening of global connections within the imperial framework has
facilitated the transfer of capital, technology, knowledge, and ideas, and that
these transfers have enhanced the productive capacity of former colonial economies. The diffusion of capitalist modes of production has enhanced market
exchange, structural change and labor productivity growth. Corresponding
investments in “modern” systems of education, health care, transport and communications, whether by private (missionary) or government initiative, have
improved living standards in former European colonies by measurable degrees
(Ferguson 2002; Warren 1980). This position is also supported by studies
arguing that colonies held for a longer period of time, or those which were governed in a direct manner, performed significantly better after independence than
regions where the colonial connection remained rather superficial (Grier 1999;
Lange 2009).
The stifling ideological blanket that has covered the colonial legacy debate
for so long has gradually been pulled away, especially since the end of the Cold
War. However, scholarly opinions on the root causes of poverty in former colonies have hardly converged.1 Contrasting performance characteristics between
the so-­called neo-­European settler economies and an undifferentiated “rest” have


2   E. Frankema and F. Buelens
been neatly cast in global comparative and quantitative studies, but whether
these should be ascribed to differences in colonial institutions or differences in
local (pre-­colonial) geographical and institutional characteristics is hotly debated
(Acemoglu et al. 2002; Diamond 1997; Gallup et al. 1999; Putterman and Weil
2010). What makes this research question so challenging is that among the
undifferentiated “rest” the colonial experiences have varied so widely that
varying “truths” at the disaggregated level can easily be taken to support any
particular perspective.
When defining “colonial extraction” exclusively in terms of outcome, namely
as a net transfer of economically valuable resources from indigenous to metro­
politan societies, and “colonial exploitation” as the practices and procedures
facilitating the extraction of resources without adequate compensation to indig­
enous peoples and their natural environment, it is easy to see that there is a wide
range of transmission channels with varying effects on local socio-­economic and
political structures: land alienation, labor corvée, forced cultivation, trade
monopolies, excessive taxation (of various kinds), forced army service, and so
on and so forth. Indeed, the varieties of exploitation in colonial settings contain
answers to many of the unresolved questions of long-­term development, but to
arrive at them we need to disentangle the historical practices and institutions of
colonial extraction by digging deeper into the myriad relationships between
colonial extraction and long-­term development. This book offers such an in-­
depth analysis of the comparative cases of the Belgian Congo and the Netherlands Indies, two of the most exploited colonies in world history. The point of
departure of this book is a shared belief among the authors that colonial legacies
have been shaped by the specific interaction between metropolitan policy prin­
ciples, local policy practices and indigenous institutional responses. How did
these interactions evolve? What specific sets of conditions did these interactions
create? Does this help to understand better the phenomenon of post-­colonial economic divergence?
Exploring the links between colonial extraction and long-­term economic
development poses at least three major challenges to historical research. First,
virtually every aspect of extraction involves combined elements of coercion,
destruction, and production: exploitation presupposes productive investments,
and the creation of economic growth is not necessarily impeded by the creation
of economic rent. As studies of colonial taxation and state formation show, it is
not clear whether high tax rates, on balance, create positive or negative conditions for future economic development, but a weak fiscal system almost certainly
inhibits long-­term economic progress (Frankema 2010, 2011). However, the
balance between creation and destruction has varied enormously both across and
within colonial realms. Second, the institutions imposed by colonial administrations, whether directly or indirectly via co-­opted local representatives, have been
subject to change – change as a result of colonial policy reforms as well as
changing responses by different groups in indigenous societies. This is the main
reason why casting “extractive colonial institutions” into a time-­invariant indicator of “risk of expropriation” in standard cross-­space regression analyses is


Introduction   3
extremely problematic. Third, short-­term economic consequences of colonial
extraction may differ substantially from long-­term consequences, but the latter
are notoriously hard to isolate as the number of “control variables” grows as
time goes on.
The added value of a comparative historical approach, as developed in this
book, lies in its genuine attempt to combine two key aspects: a systematic ana­
lysis of practices and institutions of colonial extraction, enforced by the adoption
of a comparative perspective, intertwined with a dynamic view of the evolution
of extractive institutions, local responses, and long-­term developmental consequences, a view in which the notion of historical change is at the heart of the
explanatory framework.

0.2  Comparing the Belgian Congo and the Netherlands Indies
The colonial history of Belgium and the Netherlands in the modern era (since
c.1820) differs from the colonial history of France, England and early-­modern
Spain and Portugal in at least two fundamental respects. First, the Dutch and
Belgians both had access to one “big” colony, while the other European powers
were in charge of multi-­polarized empires, with a number of territories scattered
across various continents. Second, there exists absolutely no doubt that the colonial profits the Dutch and the Belgians managed to extract from their overseas
territories outweighed the profits from alternative investment opportunities
during considerable periods of time (Booth 1998; Buelens 2007). Indeed, the
Belgian Congo and the Netherlands Indies rank among the most effectively
exploited colonies of the modern era.2 Yet the British academic debate about the
costs and benefits of empire is still largely unsettled (Davis and Huttenback
1988; Gann and Duignan 1967; O’Brien 1988; Offer 1993). In French historiography this discussion has recently flared up again, but still leans to the view that
empire was a burden rather than a boon (Huillery 2010; Lefeuvre 2006; Marseille 1984).
Part of the intrinsic similarities between Dutch and Belgian practices of
colonial extraction flowed from a direct historical connection: the Belgian King
Leopold II (1835–1909) admired the Dutch for the effective organization of
forced tropical cultivation programs in Indonesia (Cultuurstelsel, c.1830–70).
Leopold’s desire to replicate the Cultivation System underpinned his relentless
attempts to obtain a personal fiefdom in the tropics (Stengers 1977). The Congo
project, as it unfolded after the major powers had agreed on the general framework of a free trade zone at the Berlin conference (1884–5), fitted seamlessly
into Leopold’s vision of Belgium as a modern, industrial, and self-­conscious
nation-­state (Pakenham 1992). Large parts of the money earned from rubber in
the Congo Free State (CFS) were turned into prestigious construction projects
at home. These projects gave Leopold the nickname of the Builder King (le
Roi-­Bâtisseur). Leopold shared this outspoken entrepreneurial attitude with
his  Dutch predecessor, King William I (1772–1843), the Trader King
­(Koning-­Koopman), who founded the Dutch Trading Company (Nederlandsche


4   E. Frankema and F. Buelens
Handel-­Maatschappij, NHM) which was responsible for the transport of East
Indian commodities to, and sale in, Europe.
The potential for colonial extraction in the Congo revealed striking similarities with Indonesia. Figures 0.1–0.3 show that both countries are located in the
heart of the tropics. The sheer size of the land, the distances, the climate, and the
ecological diversity were simply incomparable to the relative compactness of the
two neighboring river delta countries in Northwestern Europe. Their soils
offered excellent conditions for the cultivation of rubber, cotton, palm oil, tea,
coffee, sugar, and cocoa, none of which would grow in Belgium or the Netherlands. Both countries possess vast mineral wealth, such as copper, tin, petroleum, and a dozen other valuable mineral ores in the Congo. The emerging
mining economy in the Congo raised demands for infrastructure, transport equipment, food supplies, and utilities, thus creating favorable conditions for the
development of an industrial complex, one that in terms of size and diversity
was unique in colonial Africa. In Indonesia lucrative mining activities in oil and
tin were started under Dutch rule as well.
At its high tide in the 1850s the net profits of the forced cultivation of tropical
commodities in the Indies such as sugar, tea, indigo, and especially coffee contributed up to 52 percent of Dutch central state tax revenue and constituted almost
4 percent of total Dutch GDP (van Zanden and van Riel 2000: 223). The forced
cultivation programs, which were initially introduced in Java but later extended to
other islands as well, were targeted to create a net surplus (batig slot) on the Indonesian balance of payments, a surplus which was directly remitted to the Dutch
treasury. The Dutch used these profits to service their extraordinarily high state

Figure 0.1  The equatorial location of the Congo (DRC) and Indonesia.


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